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Essay(s) by Samuel Johnson
Cheynel
Samuel Johnson
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       CHEYNEL [54].
       There is always this advantage in contending with illustrious adversaries, that the combatant is equally immortalized by conquest or defeat. He that dies by the sword of a hero will always be mentioned, when the acts of his enemy are mentioned. The man, of whose life the following account is offered to the publick, was, indeed, eminent among his own party, and had qualities, which, employed in a good cause, would have given him some claim to distinction; but no one is now so much blinded with bigotry, as to imagine him equal either to Hammond or Chillingworth; nor would his memory, perhaps, have been preserved, had he not, by being conjoined with illustrious names, become the object of publick curiosity.
       Francis Cheynel was born in 1608, at Oxford [55], where his father, Dr. John Cheynel, who had been fellow of Corpus Christi college, practised physick with great reputation. He was educated in one of the grammar schools of his native city, and, in the beginning of the year 1623, became a member of the university.
       It is probable, that he lost his father when he was very young; for it appears, that before 1629, his mother had married Dr. Abbot, bishop of Salisbury, whom she had likewise buried. From this marriage he received great advantage; for his mother, being now allied to Dr. Brent, then warden of Merton college, exerted her interest so vigorously, that he was admitted there a probationer, and afterwards obtained a fellowship [56].
       Having taken the degree of master of arts, he was admitted to orders, according to the rites of the church of England, and held a curacy near Oxford, together with his fellowship. He continued in his college, till he was qualified, by his years of residence, for the degree of bachelor of divinity, which he attempted to take in 1641, but was denied his grace [57], for disputing concerning predestination, contrary to the king's injunctions.
       This refusal of his degree he mentions in his dedication to his account of Mr. Chillingworth: "Do not conceive that I snatch up my pen in an angry mood, that I might vent my dangerous wit, and ease my overburdened spleen; no, no, I have almost forgotten the visitation of Merton college, and the denial of my grace, the plundering of my house, and little library: I know when, and where, and of whom, to demand satisfaction for all these injuries and indignities. I have learnt 'centum plagas Spartana nobilitate concoquere.' I have not learnt how to plunder others of goods, or living, and make myself amends by force of arms. I will not take a living which belonged to any civil, studious, learned delinquent; unless it be the much-neglected _commendam_ of some lordly prelate, condemned by the known laws of the land, and the highest court of the kingdom, for some offence of the first magnitude."
       It is observable, that he declares himself to have almost forgot his injuries and indignities, though he recounts them with an appearance of acrimony, which is no proof that the impression is much weakened; and insinuates his design of demanding, at a proper time, satisfaction for them.
       These vexations were the consequence rather of the abuse of learning, than the want of it; no one that reads his works can doubt that he was turbulent, obstinate, and petulant; and ready to instruct his superiours, when he most needed instruction from them. Whatever he believed (and the warmth of his imagination naturally made him precipitate in forming his opinions) he thought himself obliged to profess; and what he professed he was ready to defend, without that modesty which is always prudent, and generally necessary, and which, though it was not agreeable to Mr. Cheynel's temper, and, therefore, readily condemned by him, is a very useful associate to truth, and often introduces her, by degrees, where she never could have forced her way by argument or declamation.
       A temper of this kind is generally inconvenient and offensive in any society, but in a place of education is least to be tolerated; for, as authority is necessary to instruction, whoever endeavours to destroy subordination, by weakening that reverence which is claimed by those to whom the guardianship of youth is committed by their country, defeats, at once, the institution; and may be justly driven from a society, by which he thinks himself too wise to be governed, and in which he is too young to teach, and too opinionative to learn.
       This may be readily supposed to have been the case of Cheynel; and I know not how those can be blamed for censuring his conduct, or punishing his disobedience, who had a right to govern him, and who might certainly act with equal sincerity, and with greater knowledge.
       With regard to the visitation of Merton college, the account is equally obscure. Visitors are well known to be generally called to regulate the affairs of colleges, when the members disagree with their head, or with one another; and the temper that Dr. Cheynel discovers will easily incline his readers to suspect, that he could not long live in any place, without finding some occasion for debate; nor debate any question, without carrying opposition to such a length as might make a moderator necessary. Whether this was his conduct at Merton, or whether an appeal to the visiter's authority was made by him, or his adversaries, or any other member of the college, is not to be known; it appears only, that there was a visitation, that he suffered by it, and resented his punishment.
       He was afterwards presented to a living of great value, near Banbury, where he had some dispute with archbishop Laud. Of this dispute I have found no particular account. Calamy only says, he had a ruffle with bishop Laud, while at his height.
       Had Cheynel been equal to his adversary in greatness and learning, it had not been easy to have found either a more proper opposite; for they were both, to the last degree, zealous, active, and pertinacious, and would have afforded mankind a spectacle of resolution and boldness not often to be seen. But the amusement of beholding the struggle would hardly have been without danger, as they were too fiery not to have communicated their heat, though it should have produced a conflagration of their country.
       About the year 1641, when the whole nation was engaged in the controversy about the rights of the church, and necessity of episcopacy, he declared himself a presbyterian, and an enemy to bishops, liturgies, ceremonies; and was considered, as one of the most learned and acute of his party; for, having spent much of his life in a college, it cannot be doubted that he had a considerable knowledge of books, which the vehemence of his temper enabled him often to display, when a more timorous man would have been silent, though in learning not his inferiour.
       When the war broke out, Mr. Cheynel, in consequence of his principles, declared himself for the parliament; and, as he appears to have held it as a first principle, that all great and noble spirits abhor neutrality, there is no doubt but that he exerted himself to gain proselytes, and to promote the interest of that party, which he had thought it his duty to espouse. These endeavours were so much regarded by the parliament, that, having taken the covenant, he was nominated one of the assembly of divines, who were to meet at Westminster for the settlement of the new discipline.
       This distinction drew, necessarily, upon him the hatred of the cavaliers; and his living being not far distant from the king's head-quarters, he received a visit from some of the troops, who, as he affirms, plundered his house, and drove him from it. His living, which was, I suppose, considered as forfeited by his absence, though he was not suffered to continue upon it, was given to a clergyman, of whom he says, that he would become a stage better than a pulpit; a censure which I can neither confute nor admit, because I have not discovered who was his successour. He then retired into Sussex, to exercise his ministry among his friends, in a place where, as he observes, there had been little of the power of religion either known or practised. As no reason can be given why the inhabitants of Sussex should have less knowledge or virtue than those of other places, it may be suspected that he means nothing more than a place where the presbyterian discipline or principles had never been received. We now observe, that the methodists, where they scatter their opinions, represent themselves, as preaching the gospel to unconverted nations; and enthusiasts of all kinds have been inclined to disguise their particular tenets with pompous appellations, and to imagine themselves the great instruments of salvation; yet it must be confessed, that all places are not equally enlightened; that in the most civilized nations there are many corners which may be called barbarous, where neither politeness, nor religion, nor the common arts of life, have yet been cultivated; and it is likewise certain, that the inhabitants of Sussex huve been sometimes mentioned as remarkable for brutality.
       From Sussex he went often to London, where, in 1643, he preached three times before the parliament; and, returning in November to Colchester, to keep the monthly fast there, as was his custom, he obtained a convoy of sixteen soldiers, whose bravery or good fortune was such, that they faced, and put to flight, more than two hundred of the king's forces.
       In this journey he found Mr. Chillingworth in the hands of the parliament's troops, of whose sickness and death he gave the account, which has been sufficiently made known to the learned world by Mr. Maizeaux, in his Life of Chillingworth.
       With regard to this relation, it may be observed, that it is written with an air of fearless veracity, and with the spirit of a man who thinks his cause just, and his behaviour without reproach; nor does there appear any reason for doubting that Cheynel spoke and acted as he relates; for he does not publish an apology, but a challenge, and writes not so much to obviate calumnies, as to gain from others that applause which he seems to have bestowed very liberally upon himself, for his behaviour on that occasion.
       Since, therefore, this relation is credible, a great part of it being supported by evidence which cannot be refuted, Mr. Maizeaux seems very justly, in his Life of Mr. Chillingworth, to oppose the common report, that his life was shortened by the inhumanity of those to whom he was a prisoner; for Cheynel appears to have preserved, amidst all his detestation of the opinions which he imputed to him, a great kindness to his person, and veneration for his capacity; nor does he appear to have been cruel to him, otherwise than by that incessant importunity of disputation, to which he was doubtless incited by a sincere belief of the danger of his soul, if he should die without renouncing some of his opinions.
       The same kindness which made him desirous to convert him before his death, would incline him to preserve him from dying before he was converted; and accordingly we find, that, when the castle was yielded, he took care to procure him a commodious lodging; when he was to have been unseasonably removed, he attempted to shorten his journey, which he knew would be dangerous; when the physician was disgusted by Chillingworth's distrust, he prevailed upon him, as the symptoms grew more dangerous, to renew his visits; and when death left no other act of kindness to be practised, procured him the rites of burial, which some would have denied him.
       Having done thus far justice to the humanity of Cheynel, it is proper to inquire, how far he deserves blame. He appears to have extended none of that kindness to the opinions of Chillingworth, which he showed to his person; for he interprets every word in the worst sense, and seems industrious to discover, in every line, heresies, which might have escaped for ever any other apprehension: he appears always suspicious of some latent malignity, and ready to persecute what he only suspects, with the same violence, as if it had been openly avowed: in all his procedure he shows himself sincere, but without candour.
       About this time Cheynel, in pursuance of his natural ardour, attended the army under the command of the earl of Essex, and added the praise of valour to that of learning; for he distinguished himself so much by his personal bravery, and obtained so much skill in the science of war, that his commands were obeyed by the colonels with as much respect as those of the general. He seems, indeed, to have been born a soldier; for he had an intrepidity which was never to be shaken by any danger, and a spirit of enterprise not to be discouraged by difficulty, which were supported by an unusual degree of bodily strength. His services of all kinds were thought of so much importance ty the parliament, that they bestowed upon him the living of Petworth, in Sussex. This living was of the value of seven hundred pounds per annum, from which they had ejected a man remarkable for his loyalty, and, therefore, in their opinion, not worthy of such revenues. And it may be inquired, whether, in accepting this preferment, Cheynel did not violate the protestation which he makes in the passage already recited, and whether he did not suffer his resolutions to be overborne by the temptations of wealth.
       In 1646, when Oxford was taken by the forces of the parliament, and the reformation of the university was resolved, Mr. Cheynel was sent, with six others, to prepare the way for a visitation; being authorized by the parliament to preach in any of the churches, without regard to the right of the members of the university, that their doctrine might prepare their hearers for the changes which were intended.
       When they arrived at Oxford, they began to execute their commission, by possessing themselves of the pulpits; but, if the relation of Wood [58] is to be regarded, were heard with very little veneration. Those who had been accustomed to the preachers of Oxford, and the liturgy of the church of England, were offended at the emptiness of their discourses, which were noisy and unmeaning; at the unusual gestures, the wild distortions, and the uncouth tone with which they were delivered; at the coldness of their prayers for the king, and the vehemence and exuberance of those which they did not fail to utter for _the blessed councils_ and actions of the parliament and army; and at, what was surely not to be remarked without indignation, their omission of the Lord's prayer.
       But power easily supplied the want of reverence, and they proceeded in their plan of reformation; and thinking sermons not so efficacious to conversion as private interrogatories and exhortations, they established a weekly meeting for _freeing tender consciences from scruple_, at a house that, from the business to which it was appropriated, was called the _scruple-shop_.
       With this project they were so well pleased, that they sent to the parliament an account of it, which was afterwards printed, and is ascribed, by Wood, to Mr. Cheynel. They continued for some weeks to hold their meetings regularly, and to admit great numbers, whom curiosity, or a desire of conviction, or a compliance with the prevailing party, brought thither. But their tranquillity was quickly disturbed by the turbulence of the independents, whose opinions then prevailed among the soldiers, and were very industriously propagated by the discourses of William Earbury, a preacher of great reputation among them, who one day gathering a considerable number of his most zealous followers, went to the house appointed for the resolution of scruples, on a day which was set apart for the disquisition of the dignity and office of a minister, and began to dispute, with great vehemence, against the presbyterians, whom he denied to have any true ministers among them, and whose assemblies he affirmed not to be the true church. He was opposed with equal heat by the presbyterians, and, at length, they agreed to examine the point another day, in a regular disputation. Accordingly, they appointed the 12th of November for an inquiry: "Whether, in the christian church, the office of minister is committed to any particular persons?"
       On the day fixed, the antagonists appeared, each attended by great numbers; but, when the question was proposed, they began to wrangle, not about the doctrine which they had engaged to examine, but about the terms of the proposition, which the independents alleged to be changed since their agreement; and, at length, the soldiers insisted that the question should be, "Whether those who call themselves ministers, have more right or power to preach the gospel, than any other man that is a christian?" This question was debated, for some time, with great vehemence and confusion, but without any prospect of a conclusion. At length, one of the soldiers, who thought they had an equal right with the rest to engage in the controversy, demanded of the presbyterians, whence they themselves received their orders, whether from bishops, or any other persons. This unexpected interrogatory put them to great difficulties; for it happened that they were all ordained by the bishops, which they durst not acknowledge, for fear of exposing themselves to a general censure, and being convicted from their own declarations, in which they had frequently condemned episcopacy, as contrary to Christianity; nor durst they deny it, because they might have been confuted, and must, at once, have sunk into contempt. The soldiers, seeing their perplexity, insulted them; and went away, boasting of their victory; nor did the presbyterians, for some time, recover spirit enough to renew their meetings, or to proceed in the work of easing consciences.
       Earbury, exulting at the victory, which, not his own abilities, but the subtlety of the soldier had procured him, began to vent his notions of every kind, without scruple, and, at length, asserted, that "the saints had an equal measure of the divine nature with our Saviour, though not equally manifest." At the same time he took upon him the dignity of a prophet, and began to utter predictions relating to the affairs of England and Ireland.
       His prophecies were not much regarded, but his doctrine was censured by the presbyterians in their pulpits; and Mr. Cheynel challenged him to a disputation, to which he agreed, and, at his first appearance in St. Mary's church, addressed his audience in the following manner:
       "Christian friends, kind fellow-soldiers, and worthy students, I, the humble servant of all mankind, am this day drawn, against my will, out of my cell into this publick assembly, by the double chain of accusation and a challenge from the pulpit. I have been charged with heresy; I have been challenged to come hither, in a letter written by Mr. Francis Cheynel. Here, then, I stand in defence of myself and my doctrine, which I shall introduce with only this declaration, that I claim not the office of a minister on account of any outward call, though I formerly received ordination, nor do I boast of illumination, or the knowledge of our Saviour, though I have been held in esteem by others, and formerly by myself; for I now declare, that I know nothing, and am nothing, nor would I be thought of otherwise than as an inquirer and seeker."
       He then advanced his former position in stronger terms, and with additions equally detestable, which Cheynel attacked with the vehemence which, in so warm a temper, such horrid assertions might naturally excite. The dispute, frequently interrupted by the clamours of the audience, and tumults raised to disconcert Cheynel, who was very unpopular, continued about four hours, and then both the controvertists grew weary, and retired. The presbyterians afterwards thought they should more speedily put an end to the heresies of Earbury by power than by argument; and, by soliciting general Fairfax, procured his removal.
       Mr. Cheynel published an account of this dispute, under the title of, Faith triumphing over Errour and Heresy, in a Revelation, &c.; nor can it be doubted but he had the victory, where his cause gave him so great superiority.
       Somewhat before this, his captious and petulant disposition engaged him in a controversy, from which he could not expect to gain equal reputation. Dr. Hammond had, not long before, published his Practical Catechism, in which Mr. Cheynel, according to his custom, found many errours implied, if not asserted; and, therefore, as it was much read, thought it convenient to censure it in the pulpit. Of this Dr. Hammond being informed, desired him, in a letter, to communicate his objections; to which Mr. Cheynel returned an answer, written with his usual temper, and, therefore, somewhat perverse. The controversy was drawn out to a considerable length; and the papers, on both sides, were afterwards made publick by Dr. Hammond.
       In 1647, it was determined by parliament, that the reformation of Oxford should be more vigorously carried on; and Mr. Cheynel was nominated one of the visiters. The general process of the visitation, the firmness and fidelity of the students, the address by which the inquiry was delayed, and the steadiness with which it was opposed, which are very particularly related by Wood, and after him by Walker, it is not necessary to mention here, as they relate not more to Mr. Cheynel's life than to those of his associates.
       There is, indeed, some reason to believe that he was more active and virulent than the rest, because he appears to have been charged, in a particular manner, with some of their most unjustifiable measures. He was accused of proposing, that the members of the university should be denied the assistance of counsel, and was lampooned by name, as a madman, in a satire written on the visitation.
       One action, which shows the violence of his temper, and his disregard, both of humanity and decency, when they came in competition with his passions, must not be forgotten. The visiters, being offended at the obstinacy of Dr. Fell, dean of Christchurch, and vicechancellor of the university, having first deprived him of his vicechancellorship, determined afterwards to dispossess him of his deanery; and, in the course of their proceedings, thought it proper to seize upon his chambers in the college. This was an act which most men would willingly have referred to the officers to whom the law assigned it; but Cheynel's fury prompted him to a different conduct. He, and three more of the visiters, went and demanded admission; which, being steadily refused them, they obtained by the assistance of a file of soldiers, who forced the doors with pick-axes. Then entering, they saw Mrs. Fell in the lodgings, Dr. Fell being in prison at London, and ordered her to quit them, but found her not more obsequious than her husband. They repeated their orders with menaces, but were not able to prevail upon her to remove. They then retired, and left her exposed to the brutality of the soldiers, whom they commanded to keep possession, which Mrs. Fell, however, did not leave. About nine days afterwards, she received another visit of the same kind from the new chancellor, the earl of Pembroke; who having, like the others, ordered her to depart without effect, treated her with reproachful language, and, at last, commanded the soldiers to take her up in her chair, and carry her out of doors. Her daughters, and some other gentlewomen that were with her, were afterwards treated in the same manner; one of whom predicted, without dejection, that she should enter the house again with less difficulty, at some other time; nor was she mistaken in her conjecture, for Dr. Fell lived to be restored to his deanery.
       At the reception of the chancellor, Cheynel, as the most accomplished of the visiters, had the province of presenting him with the ensigns of his office, some of which were counterfeit, and addressing him with a proper oration. Of this speech, which Wood has preserved, I shall give some passages, by which a judgment may be made of his oratory.
       Of the staves of the beadles he observes, that "some are stained with double guilt, that some are pale with fear, and that others have been made use of as crutches, for the support of bad causes and desperate fortunes;" and he remarks of the book of statutes which he delivers, that "the ignorant may, perhaps, admire the splendour of the cover, but the learned know that the real treasure is within." Of these two sentences it is easily discovered, that the first is forced and unnatural, and the second trivial and low.
       Soon afterwards Mr. Cheynel was admitted to the degree of bachelor of divinity, for which his grace had been denied him in 1641, and, as he then suffered for an ill-timed assertion of the presbyterian doctrines, he obtained that his degree should be dated from the time at which he was refused it; an honour which, however, did not secure him from being soon after publickly reproached as a madman.
       But the vigour of Cheynel was thought, by his companions, to deserve profit, as well as honour; and Dr. Bailey, the president of St. John's college, being not more obedient to the authority of the parliament than the rest, was deprived of his revenues and authority, with which Mr. Cheynel was immediately invested; who, with his usual coolness and modesty, took possession of the lodgings soon after by breaking open the doors.
       This preferment being not thought adequate to the deserts or abilities of Mr. Cheynel, it was, therefore, desired, by the committee of parliament, that the visiters would recommend him to the lectureship of divinity, founded by the lady Margaret. To recommend him, and to choose, was, at that time, the same; and he had now the pleasure of propagating his darling doctrine of predestination, without interruption, and without danger.
       Being thus flushed with power and success, there is little reason for doubting that he gave way to his natural vehemence, and indulged himself in the utmost excesses of raging zeal, by which he was, indeed, so much distinguished, that, in a satire mentioned by Wood, he is dignified by the title of archvisiter; an appellation which he seems to have been industrious to deserve by severity and inflexibility; for, not contented with the commission which he and his colleagues had already received, he procured six or seven of the members of parliament to meet privately in Mr. Rouse's lodgings, and assume the style and authority of a committee, and from them obtained a more extensive and tyrannical power, by which the visitors were enabled to force the _solemn league and covenant_, and the _negative oath_ upon all the members of the university, and to prosecute those for a contempt who did not appear to a citation, at whatever distance they might be, and whatever reasons they might assign for their absence.
       By this method he easily drove great numbers from the university, whose places he supplied with men of his own opinion, whom he was very industrious to draw from other parts, with promises of making a liberal provision for them out of the spoils of hereticks and malignants.
       Having, in time, almost extirpated those opinions which he found so prevalent at his arrival, or, at least, obliged those, who would not recant, to an appearance of conformity, he was at leisure for employments which deserve to be recorded with greater commendation. About this time, many socinian writers began to publish their notions with great boldness, which the presbyterians, considering as heretical and impious, thought it necessary to confute; and, therefore, Cheynel, who had now obtained his doctor's degree, was desired, in 1649, to write a vindication of the doctrine of the Trinity, which he performed, and published the next year.
       He drew up, likewise, a confutation of some socinian tenets advanced by John Fry, a man who spent great part of his life in ranging from one religion to another, and who sat as one of the judges on the king, but was expelled afterwards from the house of commons, and disabled from sitting in parliament. Dr. Cheynel is said to have shown himself evidently superiour to him in the controversy, and was answered by him only with an opprobrious book against the presbyterian clergy.
       Of the remaining part of his life, there is found only an obscure and confused account. He quitted the presidentship of St. John's, and the professorship, in 1650, as Calamy relates, because he would not take the engagement; and gave a proof that he could suffer, as well as act, in a cause which he believed just. We have, indeed, no reason to question his resolution, whatever occasion might be given to exert it; nor is it probable that he feared affliction more than danger, or that he would not have borne persecution himself for those opinions which inclined him to persecute others.
       He did not suffer much upon this occasion; for he retained the living of Petworth, to which he, thenceforward, confined his labours, and where he was very assiduous, and, as Calamy affirms, very successful in the exercise of his ministry, it being his peculiar character to be warm and zealous in all his undertakings.
       This heat of his disposition, increased by the uncommon turbulence of the times in which he lived, and by the opposition to which the unpopular nature of some of his employments exposed him, was, at last, heightened to distraction, so that he was, for some years, disordered in his understanding, as both Wood and Calamy relate, but with such difference as might be expected from their opposite principles. Wood appears to think, that a tendency to madness was discoverable in a great part of his life; Calamy, that it was only transient and accidental, though, in his additions to his first narrative, he pleads it, as an extenuation of that fury with which his kindest friends confess him to have acted on some occasions. Wood declares, that he died little better than distracted; Calamy, that he was perfectly recovered to a sound mind, before the restoration, at which time he retired to Preston, a small village in Sussex, being turned out of his living at Petworth.
       It does not appear that he kept his living till the general ejection of the nonconformists; and it is not unlikely that the asperity of his carriage, and the known virulence of his temper, might have raised him enemies, who were willing to make him feel the effects of persecution, which he had so furiously incited against others; but of this incident of his life there is no particular account.
       After his deprivation, he lived, till his death, which happened in 1665, at a small village near Chichester, upon a paternal estate, not augmented by the large preferments wasted upon him in the triumphs of his party; having been remarkable, throughout his life, for hospitality and contempt of money.
       FOOTNOTES:
       [54] First printed in The Student, 1751.
       [55] Vide Wood's Ath. Ox.--_Orig. Edit._
       [56] Vide Wood's Ath. Ox.--_Orig. Edit._
       [57] Vide Wood's Hist. Univ. Ox.--_Orig. Edit._
       [58] Vide Wood's Hist. Antiq. Oxon.--_Orig. Edit._
       [The end]
       Samuel Johnson's essay: Cheynel
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Ascham
Barretier
Boerhaave
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Cheynel
Considerations On The Case Of Dr. T[rapp]'s Sermons
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Controversy Between Crousaz And Warburton
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A Dissertation Upon The Greek Comedy, Translated From Brumoy
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Father Paul Sarpi
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Idler 012 [No. 12: Marriages, why advertised]
Idler 013 [No. 13: The imaginary housewife]
Idler 014 [No. 14: Robbery of time]
Idler 015 [No. 15: Treacle's complaint of his wife]
Idler 016 [No. 16: Drugget's retirement]
Idler 017 [No. 17: Expedients of idlers]
Idler 018 [No. 18: Drugget vindicated]
Idler 019 [No. 19: Whirler's character]
Idler 020 [No. 20: Capture of Louisbourg]
Idler 021 [No. 21: Linger's history of listlessness]
Idler 022 [No. 22: Imprisonment of debtors]
Idler 023 [No. 23: Uncertainty of friendship]
Idler 024 [No. 24: Man does not always think]
Idler 025 [No. 25: New actors on the stage]
Idler 026 [No. 26: Betty Broom's history]
Idler 027 [No. 27: Power of habits]
Idler 028 [No. 28: Wedding-day. Grocer's wife. Chairman]
Idler 029 [No. 29: Betty Broom's history continued]
Idler 030 [No. 30: Corruption of news-writers]
Idler 031 [No. 31: Disguises of idleness. Sober's character]
Idler 032 [No. 32: On Sleep]
Idler 033 [No. 33: Journal of a fellow of a college]
Idler 034 [No. 34: Punch and conversation compared]
Idler 035 [No. 35: Auction-hunter described and ridiculed]
Idler 036 [No. 36: The terrific diction ridiculed]
Idler 037 [No. 37: Useful things easy of attainment]
Idler 038 [No. 38: Cruelty shown to debtors in prison]
Idler 039 [No. 39: The various uses of the bracelet]
Idler 040 [No. 40: The art of advertising exemplified]
Idler 041 [No. 41: Serious reflections on the death of a friend]
Idler 042 [No. 42: Perdita's complaint of her father]
Idler 043 [No. 43: Monitions on the flight of time]
Idler 044 [No. 44: The use of memory considered]
Idler 045 [No. 45: On painting. Portraits defended]
Idler 046 [No. 46: Molly Quick's complaint of her mistress]
Idler 047 [No. 47: Deborah Ginger's account of city-wits]
Idler 048 [No. 48: The bustle of idleness described and ridiculed]
Idler 049 [No. 49: Marvel's journey narrated]
Idler 050 [No. 50: Marvel's journey paralleled]
Idler 051 [No. 51: Domestick greatness unattainable]
Idler 052 [No. 52: Self-denial necessary]
Idler 053 [No. 53: Mischiefs of good company]
Idler 054 [No. 54: Mrs. Savecharges' complaint]
Idler 055 [No. 55: Authors' mortifications]
Idler 056 [No. 56: Virtuosos whimsical]
Idler 057 [No. 57: Character of Sophron]
Idler 058 [No. 58: Expectations of pleasure frustrated]
Idler 059 [No. 59: Books fall into neglect]
Idler 060 [No. 60: Minim the critic]
Idler 061 [No. 61: Minim the critic]
Idler 062 [No. 62: Hanger's account of the vanity of riches]
Idler 063 [No. 63: Progress of arts and language]
Idler 064 [No. 64: Ranger's complaint concluded]
Idler 065 [No. 65: Fate of posthumous works]
Idler 066 [No. 66: Loss of ancient writings]
Idler 067 [No. 67: Scholar's journal]
Idler 068 [No. 68: History of translation]
Idler 069 [No. 69: History of translation]
Idler 070 [No. 70: Hard words defended]
Idler 071 [No. 71: Dick Shifter's rural excursion ]
Idler 072 [No. 72: Regulation of memory]
Idler 073 [No. 73: Tranquil's use of riches]
Idler 074 [No. 74: Memory rarely deficient]
Idler 075 [No. 75: Gelaleddin of Bassora]
Idler 076 [No. 76: False criticisms on painting]
Idler 077 [No. 77: Easy writing]
Idler 078 [No. 78: Steady, Snug, Startle, Solid and Misty]
Idler 079 [No. 79: Grand style of painting]
Idler 080 [No. 80: Ladies' journey to London]
Idler 081 [No. 81: Indian's speech to his countrymen]
Idler 082 [No. 82: The true idea of beauty]
Idler 083 [No. 83: Scruple, Wormwood, Sturdy and Gentle]
Idler 084 [No. 84: Biography, how best performed]
Idler 085 [No. 85: Books multiplied by useless compilations]
Idler 086 [No. 86: Miss Heartless' want of a lodging]
Idler 087 [No. 87: Amazonian bravery revived]
Idler 088 [No. 88: What have ye done?]
Idler 089 [No. 89: Physical evil moral good]
Idler 090 [No. 90: Rhetorical action considered]
Idler 091 [No. 91: Sufficiency of the English language]
Idler 092 [No. 92: Nature of cunning]
Idler 093 [No. 93: Sam Softly's history]
Idler 094 [No. 94: Obstructions of learning]
Idler 095 [No. 95: Tim Wainscot's son a fine gentleman]
Idler 096 [No. 96: Hacho of Lapland]
Idler 097 [No. 97: Narratives of travellers considered]
Idler 098 [No. 98: Sophia Heedful]
Idler 099 [No. 99: Ortogrul of Basra]
Idler 100 [The good sort of woman]
Idler 101 [Omar's plan of life]
Idler 102 [Authors inattentive to themselves]
Idler 103 [Honour of the last]
An Introduction To The Political State Of Great Britain
Introduction To The Proceedings Of The Committee
Introduction To The World Displayed
King Of Prussia
Letter On Du Halde's History Of China
Letter On Fireworks
A Letter To The Reverend Mr. Douglas,occasioned By His Vindication Of Milton
Marmor Norfolciense
Morin
Observations On The State Of Affairs In 1756
Observations On The Tragedy Of Macbeth
Observations On The Treaty
On Lay Patronage In The Church Of Scotland
On Pulpit Censure
On School Chastisement
On The Bravery Of The English Common Soldiers
On The Importance Of Small Tracts
On Vitious Intromission
Opinions On Questions Of Law
The Patriot
The Plan Of An English Dictionary
Preface To An Essay On Milton's Use & Imitation Of Moderns In His Paradise Lost
Preface To Payne's New Tables Of Interest
Preface To Rolt's Dictionary
Preface To Shakespeare
Preface To The Artists' Catalogue For 1762
Preface To The English Dictionary
Preface To The Gentleman's Magazine, 1738
Preface To The Literary Magazine, 1756
Preface To The Octavo Edition Of The English Dictionary
Preface To The Preceptor, Containing A General Plan Of Education
Preface To The Translation Of Father Lobo's Voyage To Abyssinia
Preliminary Discourse To The London Chronicle
A Project For The Employment Of Authors
Proposals For Printing The Works Of Shakespeare
Proposals For Printing, By Subscription, Essays In Verse And Prose
Rambler 005 [No. 5]
Rambler 042 [The Misery Of A Modish Lady In Solitude]
Rambler 051 [The Employments Of A Housewife In The Country]
Rambler 060 [No. 60]
Rambler 106 [The vanity of an author's expectations]
Rambler 107 [Properantia's hopes of a year of confusion. Misery of prostitute]
Rambler 108 [Life sufficient to all purposes if well employed]
Rambler 109 [The education of a fop]
Rambler 110 [Repentance stated and explained]
Rambler 111 [Youth made unfortunate by its haste and eagerness]
Rambler 112 [Too much nicety not to be indulged]
Rambler 113 [History of Hymenaeus's courtship]
Rambler 114 [Necessity of proportioning punishments to crimes]
Rambler 115 [Sequel of Hymenaeus's courtship]
Rambler 116 [The young trader's attempt at politeness]
Rambler 117 [Advantages of living in a garret]
Rambler 118 [The narrowness of fame]
Rambler 119 [Tranquilla's account of her lovers, opposed to Hymenaeus]
Rambler 120 [History of Almamoulin the son of Nouradin]
Rambler 121 [The dangers of imitation...]
Rambler 122 [A criticism on the English historians]
Rambler 123 [The young trader turned gentleman]
Rambler 124 [The lady's misery in a summer retirement]
Rambler 125 [Difficulty of defining comedy...]
Rambler 126 [Universality of cowardice...]
Rambler 127 [Diligence too soon relaxed. Necessity of perseverance]
Rambler 128 [Anxiety universal. The unhappiness of a wit and a fine lady]
Rambler 129 [The folly of cowardice and inactivity]
Rambler 130 [The history of a beauty]
Rambler 131 [Desire of gain the general passion]
Rambler 132 [The difficulty of educating a young nobleman]
Rambler 133 [The miseries of a beauty defaced]
Rambler 134 [Idleness an anxious and miserable state]
Rambler 135 [The folly of annual retreats into the country]
Rambler 136 [Meanness and mischief of indiscriminate dedication]
Rambler 137 [The necessity of literary courage]
Rambler 138 [Original characters to be found in the country...]
Rambler 139 [A critical examination of Samson Agonistes]
Rambler 140 [The criticism continued]
Rambler 141 [Danger of attempting wit in conversation]
Rambler 142 [An account of squire Bluster]
Rambler 143 [The criterions of plagiarism]
Rambler 144 [Difficulty of raising reputation. Various species of detractors]
Rambler 145 [Petty writers not to be despised]
Rambler 146
Rambler 147 [The courtier's esteem of assurance]
Rambler 148 [The cruelty of parental tyranny]
Rambler 149 [Benefits not always entitled to gratitude]
Rambler 150 [Adversity useful to the acquisition of knowledge]
Rambler 151 [The climactericks of the mind]
Rambler 152 [Criticism on epistolary writings]
Rambler 153 [The treatment incurred by loss of fortune]
Rambler 154 [The inefficacy of genius without learning]
Rambler 155 [Usefulness of advice. Danger of habits]
Rambler 156 [Laws of writing not always indisputable]
Rambler 157 [The scholar's complaint of his own bashfulness]
Rambler 158 [Rules of writing drawn from examples...]
Rambler 159 [The nature and remedies of bashfulness]
Rambler 160 [Rules for the choice of associates]
Rambler 161 [The revolutions of a garret]
Rambler 162 [Old men in danger of falling into pupilage...]
Rambler 163 [The mischiefs of following a patron]
Rambler 164 [Praise universally desired...]
Rambler 165 [The impotence of wealth...]
Rambler 166 [Favour not easily gained by the poor]
Rambler 167 [The marriage of Hymenaeus and Tranquilla]
Rambler 168 [Poetry debased by mean expressions]
Rambler 169 [Labour necessary to excellence]
Rambler 170 [The history of Misella debauched by her relation]
Rambler 171 [Misella's description of the life of a prostitute]
Rambler 172 [The effect of sudden riches upon the manners]
Rambler 173 [Unreasonable fears of pedantry]
Rambler 174 [The mischiefs of unbounded raillery...]
Rambler 175 [The majority are wicked]
Rambler 176 [Directions to authors attacked by criticks...]
Rambler 177 [An account of a club of antiquaries]
Rambler 178 [Many advantages not to be enjoyed together]
Rambler 179 [The awkward merriment of a student]
Rambler 180 [The study of life not to be neglected for the sake of books]
Rambler 181 [The history of an adventurer in lotteries]
Rambler 182 [The history of Leviculus, the fortune-hunter]
Rambler 183 [The influence of envy and interest compared]
Rambler 184 [Subject of essays often suggested by chance]
Rambler 185 [Prohibition of revenge justifiable by reason...]
Rambler 186 [Anningait and Ajut; a Greenland history]
Rambler 187 [The history of Anningait and Ajut concluded]
Rambler 188 [Favour often gained with little assistance from understanding]
Rambler 189 [The mischiefs of falsehood...]
Rambler 190 [The history of Abouzaid, the son of Morad]
Rambler 191 [The busy life of a young lady]
Rambler 192 [Love unsuccessful without riches]
Rambler 193 [The author's art of praising himself]
Rambler 194 [A young nobleman's progress in politeness]
Rambler 195 [A young nobleman's introduction to the knowledge of the town]
Rambler 196 [Human opinions mutable. The hopes of youth fallacious]
Rambler 197 [The history of a legacy-hunter]
Rambler 198 [The legacy-hunter's history concluded]
Rambler 199 [The virtues of Rabbi Abraham's magnet]
Rambler 200 [Asper's complaint of insolence of Prospero...]
Rambler 201 [The importance of punctuality]
Rambler 202 [The different acceptations of poverty]
Rambler 203 [Pleasures of life to be sought in prospects of futurity]
Rambler 204 [Ten days of Seged, emperour of Ethiopia]
Rambler 205 [The history of Seged concluded]
Rambler 206 [The art of living at the cost of others]
Rambler 207 [The folly of continuing too long upon the stage]
Rambler 208 [The Rambler's reception. His design]
Reply To A Paper In The Gazetteer
Review Of A Free Enquiry Into The Nature And Origin Of Evil
Review Of A Journal Of Eight Days' Journey
Review Of An Essay On The Writings And Genius Of Pope
Review Of Four Letters From Sir Isaac Newton
Review Of Memoirs Of The Court Of Augustus
Review Of The Account Of The Conduct Of The Dutchess Of Marlborough
Review Of The History Of The Royal Society Of London
Sir Francis Drake
Some Thoughts On Agriculture, Both Ancient And Modern
Sydenham
Taxation No Tyranny
Thoughts On The Coronation Of His Majesty King George The Third
Thoughts On The Late Transactions Respecting Falkland's Islands. 1771.
To The Catalogue Of The Harleian Library
Vindication Of The Licensers Of The Stage
The Vulture [Idler 22]