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Essay(s) by G. K. Chesterton
The New Name
G.K.Chesterton
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       Something has come into our community, which is strong enough to save our community; but which has not yet got a name. Let no one fancy I confess any unreality when I confess the namelessness. The morality called Puritanism, the tendency called Liberalism, the reaction called Tory Democracy, had not only long been powerful, but had practically done most of their work, before these actual names were attached to them. Nevertheless, I think it would be a good thing to have some portable and practicable way of referring to those who think as we do in our main concern. Which is, that men in England are ruled, at this minute by the clock, by brutes who refuse them bread, by liars who refuse them news, and by fools who cannot govern, and therefore wish to enslave.
       Let me explain first why I am not satisfied with the word commonly used, which I have often used myself; and which, in some contexts, is quite the right word to use. I mean the word "rebel." Passing over the fact that many who understand the justice of our cause (as a great many at the Universities) would still use the word "rebel" in its old and strict sense as meaning only a disturber of just rule. I pass to a much more practical point. The word "rebel" understates our cause. It is much too mild; it lets our enemies off much too easily. There is a tradition in all western life and letters of Prometheus defying the stars, of man at war with the Universe, and dreaming what nature had never dared to dream. All this is valuable in its place and proportion. But it has nothing whatever to do with our ease; or rather it very much weakens it. The plutocrats will be only too pleased if we profess to preach a new morality; for they know jolly well that they have broken the old one. They will be only too pleased to be able to say that we, by our own confession, are merely restless and negative; that we are only what we call rebels and they call cranks. But it is not true; and we must not concede it to them for a moment. The model millionaire is more of a crank than the Socialists; just as Nero was more of a crank than the Christians. And avarice has gone mad in the governing class to-day, just as lust went mad in the circle of Nero. By all the working and orthodox standards of sanity, capitalism is insane. I should not say to Mr. Rockefeller "I am a rebel." I should say "I am a respectable man: and you are not."
       Our Lawless Enemies
       But the vital point is that the confession of mere rebellion softens the startling lawlessness of our enemies. Suppose a publisher's clerk politely asked his employer for a rise in his salary; and, on being refused, said he must leave the employment? Suppose the employer knocked him down with a ruler, tied him up as a brown paper parcel, addressed him (in a fine business hand) to the Governor of Rio Janeiro and then asked the policeman to promise never to arrest him for what he had done? That is a precise copy, in every legal and moral principle, of the "deportation of the strikers." They were assaulted and kidnapped for not accepting a contract, and for nothing else; and the act was so avowedly criminal that the law had to be altered afterwards to cover the crime. Now suppose some postal official, between here and Rio Janeiro, had noticed a faint kicking inside the brown paper parcel, and had attempted to ascertain the cause. And suppose the clerk could only explain, in a muffled voice through the brown paper, that he was by constitution and temperament a Rebel. Don't you see that he would be rather understating his case? Don't you see he would be bearing his injuries much too meekly? They might take him out of the parcel; but they would very possibly put him into a mad-house instead. Symbolically speaking, that is what they would like to do with us. Symbolically speaking, the dirty misers who rule us will put us in a mad-house--unless we can put them there.
       Or suppose a bank cashier were admittedly allowed to take the money out of the till, and put it loose in his pocket, more or less mixed up with his own money; afterwards laying some of both (at different odds) on "Blue Murder" for the Derby. Suppose when some depositor asked mildly what day the accountants came, he smote that astonished inquirer on the nose, crying: "Slanderer! Mud-slinger!" and suppose he then resigned his position. Suppose no books were shown. Suppose when the new cashier came to be initiated into his duties, the old cashier did not tell him about the money, but confided it to the honour and delicacy of his own maiden aunt at Cricklewood. Suppose he then went off in a yacht to visit the whale fisheries of the North Sea. Well, in every moral and legal principle, that is a precise account of the dealings with the Party Funds. But what would the banker say? What would the clients say? One thing, I think, I can venture to promise; the banker would not march up and down the office exclaiming in rapture, "I'm a rebel! That's what I am, a rebel!" And if he said to the first indignant depositor "You are a rebel," I fear the depositor might answer, "You are a robber." We have no need to elaborate arguments for breaking the law. The capitalists have broken the law. We have no need of further moralities. They have broken their own morality. It is as if you were to run down the street shouting, "Communism! Communism! Share! Share!" after a man who had run away with your watch.
       We want a term that will tell everybody that there is, by the common standard, frank fraud and cruelty pushed to their fierce extreme; and that we are fighting THEM. We are not in a state of "divine discontent"; we are in an entirely human and entirely reasonable rage. We say we have been swindled and oppressed, and we are quite ready and able to prove it before any tribunal that allows us to call a swindler a swindler. It is the protection of the present system that most of its tribunals do not. I cannot at the moment think of any party name that would particularly distinguish us from our more powerful and prosperous opponents, unless it were the name the old Jacobites gave themselves; the Honest Party.
       Captured Our Standards
       I think it is plain that for the purpose of facing these new and infamous modern facts, we cannot, with any safety, depend on any of the old nineteenth century names; Socialist, or Communist, or Radical, or Liberal, or Labour. They are all honourable names; they all stand, or stood, for things in which we may still believe; we can still apply them to other problems; but not to this one. We have no longer a monopoly of these names. Let it be understood that I am not speaking here of the philosophical problem of their meaning, but of the practical problem of their use. When I called myself a Radical I knew Mr. Balfour would not call himself a Radical; therefore there was some use in the word. When I called myself a Socialist I knew Lord Penrhyn would not call himself a Socialist; therefore there was some use in the word. But the capitalists, in that aggressive march which is the main fact of our time, have captured our standards, both in the military and philosophic sense of the word. And it is useless for us to march under colours which they can carry as well as we.
       Do you believe in Democracy? The devils also believe and tremble. Do you believe in Trades Unionism? The Labour Members also believe; and tremble like a falling teetotum. Do you believe in the State? The Samuels also believe, and grin. Do you believe in the centralisation of Empire? So did Beit. Do you believe in the decentralisation of Empire? So does Albu. Do you believe in the brotherhood of men: and do you, dear brethren, believe that Brother Arthur Henderson does not? Do you cry, "The world for the workers!" and do you imagine Philip Snowden would not? What we need is a name that shall declare, not that the modern treason and tyranny are bad, but that they are quite literally, intolerable: and that we mean to act accordingly. I really think "the Limits" would be as good a name as any. But, anyhow, something is born among us that is as strong as an infant Hercules: and it is part of my prejudices to want it christened. I advertise for godfathers and godmothers.
       [The end]
       G K Chesterton's essay: The New Name
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The "Eatanswill Gazette"
An Accident
The Advantages Of Having One Leg
The Amnesty For Aggression
The Anarchist
Anonymity And Further Counsels
The Appetite Of Earth
The Art Of Missing The Point
The Ballade Of A Strange Town
The Boy
A Cab Ride Across Country
The Case For The Ephemeral
Cheese
The Chorus
Christmas
Cockneys And Their Jokes
Conceit And Caricature
A Criminal Head
A Dead Poet
A Defence Of Nonsense
Demagogues And Mystagogues
The Diabolist
The Dickensian
The Dragon's Grandmother
A Drama Of Dolls
The Dregs Of Puritanism
Dukes
Edward VII. And Scotland
The Empire Of The Ignorant
The End Of The World
The Error Of Impartiality
An Essay On Two Cities
Ethandune
The Extraordinary Cabman
Fairy Tales
The Fallacy Of Success
The Fatigue Of Fleet Street
The Field of Blood
Five Hundred And Fifty-Five
The Flat Freak
French And English
The French Revolution And The Irish
The Furrows
The Futurists
The Garden Of The Sea
The Giant
A Glimpse Of My Country
The Glory Of Grey
The Gold Of Glastonbury
A Great Man
The High Plains
How I Found The Superman
How I Met The President
Humanitarianism And Strength
Humanity: An Interlude
In The Place De La Bastille
In Topsy-Turvy Land
Introductory: On Gargoyles
Liberalism: A Sample
Limericks And Counsels Of Perfection
The Little Birds Who Won't Sing
The Long Bow
The Maid Of Orleans
The Man And His Newspaper
The Methuselahite
The Modern Martyr
The Modern Scrooge
The Mystery Of A Pageant
The New House
The New Name
The New Raid
The Nightmare
On Lying In Bed
On Political Secrecy
On Running After One's Hat
On The Cryptic And The Elliptic
The Orthodox Barber
Oxford From Without
Patriotism And Sport
The Perfect Game
The Philosophy Of Sight-Seeing
Phonetic Spelling
A Piece Of Chalk
The Poetry Of The Revolution
The Prehistoric Railway Station
A Real Danger
The Red Angel
The Red Town
Revive The Court Jester
The Riddle Of The Ivy
A Romance Of The Marshes
Science And Religion
The Secret Of A Train
The Sentimentalist
The Servile State Again
The Shop Of Ghosts
Simmons And The Social Tie
Some Policemen And A Moral
Spiritualism
The Steward Of The Chiltern Hundreds
The Strangeness Of Luxury
The Surrender Of A Cockney
The Symbolism Of Krupp
The Telegraph Poles
Thoughts Around Koepenick
The Three Kinds Of Men
Tom Jones And Morality
The Tower
The Tower Of Bebel
The Toy Theatre
A Tragedy Of Twopence
The Travellers In State
Tremendous Trifles
The Triumph Of The Donkey
The Twelve Men
The Two Noises
The Tyranny Of Bad Journalism
The Vote And The House
What I Found In My Pocket
The Wheel
The White Horses
The Wind And The Trees
Wine When It Is Red
The Wings Of Stone
Woman
A Workman's History Of England
The Worship Of The Wealthy
The Wrath Of The Roses
The Zola Controversy