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The Social Contract or Principles of Political Right
book i   6. The Social Compact
Jean Jacques Rousseau
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       I SUPPOSE men to have reached the point at which the obstacles in the way of their preservation in the state of nature show their power of resistance to be greater than the resources at the disposal of each individual for his maintenance in that state. That primitive condition can then subsist no longer; and the human race would perish unless it changed its manner of existence.
       But, as men cannot engender new forces, but only unite and direct existing ones, they have no other means of preserving themselves than the formation, by aggregation, of a sum of forces great enough to overcome the resistance. These they have to bring into play by means of a single motive power, and cause to act in concert.
       This sum of forces can arise only where several persons come together: but, as the force and liberty of each man are the chief instruments of his self-preservation, how can he pledge them without harming his own interests, and neglecting the care he owes to himself? This difficulty, in its bearing on my present subject, may be stated in the following terms:
       "The problem is to find a form of association which will defend and protect with the whole common force the person and goods of each associate, and in which each, while uniting himself with all, may still obey himself alone, and remain as free as before." This is the fundamental problem of which the Social Contract provides the solution.
       The clauses of this contract are so determined by the nature of the act that the slightest modification would make them vain and ineffective; so that, although they have perhaps never been formally set forth, they are everywhere the same and everywhere tacitly admitted and recognised, until, on the violation of the social compact, each regains his original rights and resumes his natural liberty, while losing the conventional liberty in favour of which he renounced it.
       These clauses, properly understood, may be reduced to one -- the total alienation of each associate, together with all his rights, to the whole community; for, in the first place, as each gives himself absolutely, the conditions are the same for all; and, this being so, no one has any interest in making them burdensome to others.
       Moreover, the alienation being without reserve, the union is as perfect as it can be, and no associate has anything more to demand: for, if the individuals retained certain rights, as there would be no common superior to decide between them and the public, each, being on one point his own judge, would ask to be so on all; the state of nature would thus continue, and the association would necessarily become inoperative or tyrannical.
       Finally, each man, in giving himself to all, gives himself to nobody; and as there is no associate over whom he does not acquire the same right as he yields others over himself, he gains an equivalent for everything he loses, and an increase of force for the preservation of what he has.
       If then we discard from the social compact what is not of its essence, we shall find that it reduces itself to the following terms:
       "Each of us puts his person and all his power in common under the supreme direction of the general will, and, in our corporate capacity, we receive each member as an indivisible part of the whole."
       At once, in place of the individual personality of each contracting party, this act of association creates a moral and collective body, composed of as many members as the assembly contains votes, and receiving from this act its unity, its common identity, its life and its will. This public person, so formed by the union of all other persons formerly took the name of city,[4] and now takes that of Republic or body politic; it is called by its members State when passive. Sovereign when active, and Power when compared with others like itself. Those who are associated in it take collectively the name of people, and severally are called citizens, as sharing in the sovereign power, and subjects, as being under the laws of the State. But these terms are often confused and taken one for another: it is enough to know how to distinguish them when they are being used with precision.
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本书目录

Foreward
book i
   1. Subject of the First Book
   2. The First Societies
   3. The Right of the Strongest
   4. Slavery
   5. That We Must Always Go Back to a First Convention
   6. The Social Compact
   7. The Sovereign
   8. The Civil State
   9. Real Property
   Notes
book ii
   1. That Sovereignty is Inalienable
   2. That Sovereignty is Indivisible
   3. Whether the General Will is Fallible
   4. The Limits of the Sovereign Power
   5. The Right of Life and Death
   6. Law
   7. The Legislator
   8. The People
   9. The People (continued)
   10. The People (continued)
   11. The Various Systems of Legislation
   12. The Division of the Laws
   Notes
book iii
   1. Government in General
   2. The Constituent Principle in the Various Forms of Government
   3. The Division of Governments
   4. Democracy
   5. Aristocracy
   6. Monarchy
   7. Mixed Governments
   8. That All Forms of Government Do Not Suit All Countries
   9. The Marks of a Good Government
   10. The Abuse of Government and Its Tendency to Degenerate
   11. The Death of the Body Politic
   12. How the Sovereign Authority Maintains Itself
   13. The Same (continued)
   14. The Same (continued)
   15. Deputies or Representatives
   16. That the Institution of Government is not a Contract
   17. The Institution of Government
   18. How to Check the Usurpations of Government
   Notes
book iv
   1. That the General Will is Indestructible
   2. Voting
   3. Elections
   4. The Roman Comitia
   5. The Tribunate
   6. The Dictatorship
   7. The Censorship
   8. Civil Religion
   9. Conclusion
   Notes