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Captain John Smith
CHAPTER VIII - THE FAMOUS CHICKAHOMINY VOYAGE
Charles Dudley Warner
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       _ We now enter upon the most interesting episode in the life of the
       gallant captain, more thrilling and not less romantic than the
       captivity in Turkey and the tale of the faithful love of the fair
       young mistress Charatza Tragabigzanda.
       Although the conduct of the lovely Charatza in despatching Smith to
       her cruel brother in Nalbrits, where he led the life of a dog, was
       never explained, he never lost faith in her. His loyalty to women
       was equal to his admiration of them, and it was bestowed without
       regard to race or complexion. Nor is there any evidence that the
       dusky Pocahontas, who is about to appear, displaced in his heart the
       image of the too partial Tragabigzanda. In regard to women, as to
       his own exploits, seen in the light of memory, Smith possessed a
       creative imagination. He did not create Pocahontas, as perhaps he
       may have created the beautiful mistress of Bashaw Bogall, but he
       invested her with a romantic interest which forms a lovely halo about
       his own memory.
       As this voyage up the Chickahominy is more fruitful in its
       consequences than Jason's voyage to Colchis; as it exhibits the
       energy, daring, invention, and various accomplishments of Captain
       Smith, as warrior, negotiator, poet, and narrator; as it describes
       Smith's first and only captivity among the Indians; and as it was
       during this absence of four weeks from Jamestown, if ever, that
       Pocahontas interposed to prevent the beating out of Smith's brains
       with a club, I shall insert the account of it in full, both Smith's
       own varying relations of it, and such contemporary notices of it as
       now come to light. It is necessary here to present several accounts,
       just as they stand, and in the order in which they were written, that
       the reader may see for himself how the story of Pocahontas grew to
       its final proportions. The real life of Pocahontas will form the
       subject of another chapter.
       The first of these accounts is taken from "The True Relation,"
       written by Captain John Smith, composed in Virginia, the earliest
       published work relating to the James River Colony. It covers a
       period of a little more than thirteen months, from the arrival at
       Cape Henry on April 26, 1607, to the return of Captain Nelson in the
       Phoenix, June 2, 1608. The manuscript was probably taken home by
       Captain Nelson, and it was published in London in 1608. Whether it
       was intended for publication is doubtful; but at that time all news
       of the venture in Virginia was eagerly sought, and a narrative of
       this importance would naturally speedily get into print.
       In the several copies of it extant there are variations in the title-
       page, which was changed while the edition was being printed. In some
       the name of Thomas Watson is given as the author, in others
       "A Gentleman of the Colony," and an apology appears signed "T. H.,"
       for the want of knowledge or inadvertence of attributing it to any
       one except Captain Smith.
       There is no doubt that Smith was its author. He was still in
       Virginia when it was printed, and the printers made sad work of parts
       of his manuscript. The question has been raised, in view of the
       entire omission of the name of Pocahontas in connection with this
       voyage and captivity, whether the manuscript was not cut by those who
       published it. The reason given for excision is that the promoters of
       the Virginia scheme were anxious that nothing should appear to
       discourage capitalists, or to deter emigrants, and that this story of
       the hostility and cruelty of Powhatan, only averted by the tender
       mercy of his daughter, would have an unfortunate effect. The answer
       to this is that the hostility was exhibited by the captivity and the
       intimation that Smith was being fatted to be eaten, and this was
       permitted to stand. It is wholly improbable that an incident so
       romantic, so appealing to the imagination, in an age when wonder-
       tales were eagerly welcomed, and which exhibited such tender pity in
       the breast of a savage maiden, and such paternal clemency in a savage
       chief, would have been omitted. It was calculated to lend a lively
       interest to the narration, and would be invaluable as an
       advertisement of the adventure.
       [For a full bibliographical discussion of this point the reader is
       referred to the reprint of "The True Relation," by Charles Deane,
       Esq., Boston, 1864, the preface and notes to which are a masterpiece
       of critical analysis.]
       That some portions of "The True Relation" were omitted is possible.
       There is internal evidence of this in the abrupt manner in which it
       opens, and in the absence of allusions to the discords during the
       voyage and on the arrival. Captain Smith was not the man to pass
       over such questions in silence, as his subsequent caustic letter sent
       home to the Governor and Council of Virginia shows. And it is
       probable enough that the London promoters would cut out from the
       "Relation" complaints and evidence of the seditions and helpless
       state of the colony. The narration of the captivity is consistent as
       it stands, and wholly inconsistent with the Pocahontas episode.
       We extract from the narrative after Smith's departure from Apocant,
       the highest town inhabited, between thirty and forty miles up the
       river, and below Orapaks, one of Powhatan's seats, which also appears
       on his map. He writes:
       "Ten miles higher I discovered with the barge; in the midway a great
       tree hindered my passage, which I cut in two: heere the river became
       narrower, 8, 9 or 10 foote at a high water, and 6 or 7 at a lowe: the
       stream exceeding swift, and the bottom hard channell, the ground most
       part a low plaine, sandy soyle, this occasioned me to suppose it
       might issue from some lake or some broad ford, for it could not be
       far to the head, but rather then I would endanger the barge, yet to
       have beene able to resolve this doubt, and to discharge the
       imputating malicious tungs, that halfe suspected I durst not for so
       long delaying, some of the company, as desirous as myself, we
       resolved to hier a canow, and returne with the barge to Apocant,
       there to leave the barge secure, and put ourselves upon the
       adventure: the country onely a vast and wilde wilderness, and but
       only that Towne: within three or foure mile we hired a canow, and 2
       Indians to row us ye next day a fowling: having made such provision
       for the barge as was needfull, I left her there to ride, with
       expresse charge not any to go ashore til my returne. Though some
       wise men may condemn this too bould attempt of too much indiscretion,
       yet if they well consider the friendship of the Indians, in
       conducting me, the desolatenes of the country, the probabilitie of
       some lacke, and the malicious judges of my actions at home, as also
       to have some matters of worth to incourage our adventurers in
       england, might well have caused any honest minde to have done the
       like, as wel for his own discharge as for the publike good: having 2
       Indians for my guide and 2 of our own company, I set forward, leaving
       7 in the barge; having discovered 20 miles further in this desart,
       the river stil kept his depth and bredth, but much more combred with
       trees; here we went ashore (being some 12 miles higher than ye barge
       had bene) to refresh our selves, during the boyling of our vituals:
       one of the Indians I tooke with me, to see the nature of the soile,
       and to cross the boughts of the river, the other Indian I left with
       M. Robbinson and Thomas Emry, with their matches light and order to
       discharge a peece, for my retreat at the first sight of any Indian,
       but within a quarter of an houre I heard a loud cry, and a hollowing
       of Indians, but no warning peece, supposing them surprised, and that
       the Indians had betraid us, presently I seazed him and bound his arme
       fast to my hand in a garter, with my pistoll ready bent to be
       revenged on him: he advised me to fly and seemed ignorant of what was
       done, but as we went discoursing, I was struck with an arrow on the
       right thigh, but without harme: upon this occasion I espied 2 Indians
       drawing their bowes, which I prevented in discharging a french
       pistoll: by that I had charged again 3 or 4 more did the 'like, for
       the first fell downe and fled: at my discharge they did the like, my
       hinde I made my barricade, who offered not to strive, 20 or 30
       arrowes were shot at me but short, 3 or 4 times I had discharged my
       pistoll ere the king of Pamauck called Opeckakenough with 200 men,
       environed me, each drawing their bowe, which done they laid them upon
       the ground, yet without shot, my hinde treated betwixt them and me of
       conditions of peace, he discovered me to be the captaine, my request
       was to retire to ye boate, they demanded my armes, the rest they
       saide were slaine, onely me they would reserve: the Indian importuned
       me not to shoot. In retiring being in the midst of a low quagmire,
       and minding them more than my steps, I stept fast into the quagmire,
       and also the Indian in drawing me forth: thus surprised, I resolved
       to trie their mercies, my armes I caste from me, till which none
       durst approch me: being ceazed on me, they drew me out and led me to
       the King, I presented him with a compasse diall, describing by my
       best meanes the use thereof, whereat he so amazedly admired, as he
       suffered me to proceed in a discourse of the roundnes of the earth,
       the course of the sunne, moone, starres and plannets, with kinde
       speeches and bread he requited me, conducting me where the canow lay
       and John Robinson slaine, with 20 or 30 arrowes in him. Emry I saw
       not, I perceived by the abundance of fires all over the woods, at
       each place I expected when they would execute me, yet they used me
       with what kindnes they could: approaching their Towne which was
       within 6 miles where I was taken, onely made as arbors and covered
       with mats, which they remove as occasion requires: all the women and
       children, being advertised of this accident came forth to meet, the
       King well guarded with 20 bow men 5 flanck and rear and each flanck
       before him a sword and a peece, and after him the like, then a
       bowman, then I on each hand a boweman, the rest in file in the reare,
       which reare led forth amongst the trees in a bishion, eache his bowe
       and a handfull of arrowes, a quiver at his back grimly painted: on
       eache flanck a sargeant, the one running alwaiss towards the front
       the other towards the reare, each a true pace and in exceeding good
       order, this being a good time continued, they caste themselves in a
       ring with a daunce, and so eache man departed to his lodging, the
       captain conducting me to his lodging, a quarter of Venison and some
       ten pound of bread I had for supper, what I left was reserved for me,
       and sent with me to my lodging: each morning three women presented me
       three great platters of fine bread, more venison than ten men could
       devour I had, my gowne, points and garters, my compas and a tablet
       they gave me again, though 8 ordinarily guarded me, I wanted not what
       they could devise to content me: and still our longer acquaintance
       increased our better affection: much they threatened to assault our
       forte as they were solicited by the King of Paspahegh, who shewed at
       our fort great signs of sorrow for this mischance: the King took
       great delight in understanding the manner of our ships and sayling
       the seas, the earth and skies and of our God: what he knew of the
       dominions he spared not to acquaint me with, as of certaine men
       cloathed at a place called Ocanahonun, cloathed like me, the course
       of our river, and that within 4 or 5 daies journey of the falles, was
       a great turning of salt water: I desired he would send a messenger to
       Paspahegh, with a letter I would write, by which they should
       understand, how kindly they used me, and that I was well, lest they
       should revenge my death; this he granted and sent three men, in such
       weather, as in reason were unpossible, by any naked to be indured:
       their cruell mindes towards the fort I had deverted, in describing
       the ordinance and the mines in the fields, as also the revenge
       Captain Newport would take of them at his returne, their intent, I
       incerted the fort, the people of Ocanahomm and the back sea, this
       report they after found divers Indians that confirmed: the next day
       after my letter, came a salvage to my lodging, with his sword to have
       slaine me, but being by my guard intercepted, with a bowe and arrow
       he offred to have effected his purpose: the cause I knew not, till
       the King understanding thereof came and told me of a man a dying
       wounded with my pistoll: he tould me also of another I had slayne,
       yet the most concealed they had any hurte: this was the father of him
       I had slayne, whose fury to prevent, the King presently conducted me
       to another kingdome, upon the top of the next northerly river, called
       Youghtanan, having feasted me, he further led me to another branch of
       the river called Mattapament, to two other hunting townes they led
       me, and to each of these Countries, a house of the great Emperor of
       Pewhakan, whom as yet I supposed to be at the Fals, to him I tolde
       him I must goe, and so returne to Paspahegh, after this foure or five
       dayes march we returned to Rasawrack, the first towne they brought me
       too, where binding the mats in bundles, they marched two dayes
       journey and crossed the River of Youghtanan, where it was as broad as
       Thames: so conducting me too a place called Menapacute in Pamunke,
       where ye King inhabited; the next day another King of that nation
       called Kekataugh, having received some kindness of me at the Fort,
       kindly invited me to feast at his house, the people from all places
       flocked to see me, each shewing to content me. By this the great
       King hath foure or five houses, each containing fourscore or an
       hundred foote in length, pleasantly seated upon an high sandy hill,
       from whence you may see westerly a goodly low country, the river
       before the which his crooked course causeth many great Marshes of
       exceeding good ground. An hundred houses, and many large plaines are
       here together inhabited, more abundance of fish and fowle, and a
       pleasanter seat cannot be imagined: the King with fortie bowmen to
       guard me, intreated me to discharge my Pistoll, which they there
       presented me with a mark at six score to strike therewith but to
       spoil the practice I broke the cocke, whereat they were much
       discontented though a chaunce supposed. From hence this kind King
       conducted me to a place called Topahanocke, a kingdome upon another
       river northward; the cause of this was, that the yeare before, a
       shippe had beene in the River of Pamunke, who having been kindly
       entertained by Powhatan their Emperour, they returned thence, and
       discovered the River of Topahanocke, where being received with like
       kindnesse, yet he slue the King, and tooke of his people, and they
       supposed I were bee, but the people reported him a great man that was
       Captaine, and using mee kindly, the next day we departed. This River
       of Topahanock, seemeth in breadth not much lesse than that we dwell
       upon. At the mouth of the River is a Countrey called Cuttata women,
       upwards is Marraugh tacum Tapohanock, Apparnatuck, and Nantaugs
       tacum, at Topmanahocks, the head issuing from many Mountains, the
       next night I lodged at a hunting town of Powhatam's, and the next day
       arrived at Waranacomoco upon the river of Parnauncke, where the great
       king is resident: by the way we passed by the top of another little
       river, which is betwixt the two called Payankatank. The most of this
       country though Desert, yet exceeding fertil, good timber, most hils
       and in dales, in each valley a cristall spring.
       "Arriving at Weramacomoco, their Emperour, proudly lying upon a
       Bedstead a foote high upon tenne or twelve Mattes, richly hung with
       manie Chaynes of great Pearles about his necke, and covered with a
       great covering of Rahaughcums: At heade sat a woman, at his feete
       another, on each side sitting upon a Matte upon the ground were
       raunged his chiefe men on each side the fire, tenne in a ranke and
       behinde them as many yong women, each a great Chaine of white Beades
       over their shoulders: their heades painted in redde and with such a
       grave and Majeslicall countenance, as drove me into admiration to see
       such state in a naked Salvage, bee kindlv welcomed me with good
       wordes, and great Platters of sundrie victuals, asiuring mee his
       friendship and my libertie within foure dayes, bee much delighted in
       Opechan Conough's relation of what I had described to him, and oft
       examined me upon the same. Hee asked me the cause of our comming, I
       tolde him being in fight with the Spaniards our enemie, being over
       powred, neare put to retreat, and by extreme weather put to this
       shore, where landing at Chesipiack, the people shot us, but at
       Kequoughtan they kindly used us, wee by signes demaunded fresh water,
       they described us up the River was all fresh water, at Paspahegh,
       also they kindly used us, our Pinnasse being leake wee were inforced
       to stay to mend her, till Captain Newport my father came to conduct
       us away. He demaunded why we went further with our Boate, I tolde
       him, in that I would have occasion to talke of the backe Sea, that on
       the other side the maine, where was salt water, my father had a
       childe slaine, which we supposed Monocan his enemie, whose death we
       intended to revenge. After good deliberation, hee began to describe
       me the countreys beyond the Falles, with many of the rest, confirming
       what not only Opechancanoyes, and an Indian which had been prisoner
       to Pewhatan had before tolde mee, but some called it five days, some
       sixe, some eight, where the sayde water dashed amongst many stones
       and rocks, each storme which caused oft tymes the heade of the River
       to bee brackish: Anchanachuck he described to bee the people that had
       slaine my brother, whose death hee would revenge. Hee described also
       upon the same Sea, a mighty nation called Pocoughtronack, a fierce
       nation that did eate men and warred with the people of Moyaoncer, and
       Pataromerke, Nations upon the toppe of the heade of the Bay, under
       his territories, where the yeare before they had slain an hundred, he
       signified their crownes were shaven, long haire in the necke, tied on
       a knot, Swords like Pollaxes.
       " Beyond them he described people with short Coates, and Sleeves to
       the Elbowes, that passed that way in Shippes like ours. Many
       Kingdomes hee described mee to the heade of the Bay, which seemed to
       bee a mightie River, issuing from mightie mountaines, betwixt the two
       seas; the people clothed at Ocamahowan. He also confirmed, and the
       Southerly Countries also, as the rest, that reported us to be within
       a day and a halfe of Mangoge, two dayes of Chawwonock, 6 from
       Roonock, to the South part of the backe sea: he described a countrie
       called Anone, where they have abundance of Brasse, and houses walled
       as ours. I requited his discourse, seeing what pride he had in his
       great and spacious Dominions, seeing that all hee knewe were under
       his Territories.
       " In describing to him the territories of Europe which was subject to
       our great King whose subject I was, the innumerable multitude of his
       ships, I gave him to understand the noyse of Trumpets and terrible
       manner of fighting were under Captain Newport my father, whom I
       intituled the Meworames which they call King of all the waters, at
       his greatnesse bee admired and not a little feared; he desired mee to
       forsake Paspahegh, and to live with him upon his River, a countrie
       called Capa Howasicke; he promised to give me corne, venison, or what
       I wanted to feede us, Hatchets and Copper wee should make him, and
       none should disturbe us. This request I promised to performe: and
       thus having with all the kindnes hee could devise, sought to content
       me, he sent me home with 4 men, one that usually carried my Gonne and
       Knapsacke after me, two other loded with bread, and one to accompanie
       me."
       The next extract in regard to this voyage is from President
       Wingfield's "Discourse of Virginia," which appears partly in the form
       of a diary, but was probably drawn up or at least finished shortly
       after Wingfield's return to London in May, 1608. He was in Jamestown
       when Smith returned from his captivity, and would be likely to allude
       to the romantic story of Pocahontas if Smith had told it on his
       escape. We quote:
       "Decem.--The 10th of December, Mr. Smyth went up the ryver of the
       Chechohomynies to trade for corne; he was desirous to see the heade
       of that river; and, when it was not passible with the shallop, he
       hired a cannow and an Indian to carry him up further. The river the
       higher grew worse and worse. Then hee went on shoare with his guide,
       and left Robinson and Emmery, and twoe of our Men, in the cannow;
       which were presently slayne by the Indians, Pamaonke's men, and hee
       himself taken prysoner, and, by the means of his guide, his lief was
       saved; and Pamaonche, haveing him prisoner, carryed him to his
       neybors wyroances, to see if any of them knew him for one of those
       which had bene, some two or three eeres before us, in a river amongst
       them Northward, and taken awaie some Indians from them by force. At
       last he brought him to the great Powaton (of whome before wee had no
       knowledg), who sent him home to our towne the 8th of January."
       The next contemporary document to which we have occasion to refer is
       Smith's Letter to the Treasurer and Council of Virginia in England,
       written in Virginia after the arrival of Newport there in September,
       1608, and probably sent home by him near the close of that year. In
       this there is no occasion for a reference to Powhatan or his
       daughter, but he says in it: "I have sent you this Mappe of the Bay
       and Rivers, with an annexed Relation of the Countryes and Nations
       that inhabit them as you may see at large." This is doubtless the
       "Map of Virginia," with a description of the country, published some
       two or three years after Smith's return to England, at Oxford, 1612.
       It is a description of the country and people, and contains little
       narrative. But with this was published, as an appendix, an account
       of the proceedings of the Virginia colonists from 1606 to 1612, taken
       out of the writings of Thomas Studley and several others who had been
       residents in Virginia. These several discourses were carefully
       edited by William Symonds, a doctor of divinity and a man of learning
       and repute, evidently at the request of Smith. To the end of the
       volume Dr. Symonds appends a note addressed to Smith, saying:
       "I return you the fruit of my labors, as Mr. Cranshaw requested me,
       which I bestowed in reading the discourses and hearing the relations
       of such as have walked and observed the land of Virginia with you."
       These narratives by Smith's companions, which he made a part of his
       Oxford book, and which passed under his eye and had his approval, are
       uniformly not only friendly to him, but eulogistic of him, and
       probably omit no incident known to the writers which would do him
       honor or add interest to him as a knight of romance. Nor does it
       seem probable that Smith himself would have omitted to mention the
       dramatic scene of the prevented execution if it had occurred to him.
       If there had been a reason in the minds of others in 1608 why it
       should not appear in the "True Relation," that reason did not exist
       for Smith at this time, when the discords and discouragements of the
       colony were fully known. And by this time the young girl Pocahontas
       had become well known to the colonists at Jamestown. The account of
       this Chickahominy voyage given in this volume, published in 1612, is
       signed by Thomas Studley, and is as follows:
       "The next voyage he proceeded so farre that with much labour by
       cutting of trees in sunder he made his passage, but when his Barge
       could passe no farther, he left her in a broad bay out of danger of
       shot, commanding none should go ashore till his returne; himselfe
       with 2 English and two Salvages went up higher in a Canowe, but he
       was not long absent, but his men went ashore, whose want of
       government gave both occasion and opportunity to the Salvages to
       surprise one George Casson, and much failed not to have cut of the
       boat and all the rest. Smith little dreaming of that accident, being
       got to the marshes at the river's head, 20 miles in the desert, had
       his 2 men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping by the Canowe, whilst
       himselfe by fowling sought them victual, who finding he was beset by
       200 Salvages, 2 of them he slew, stil defending himselfe with the aid
       of a Salvage his guid (whome bee bound to his arme and used as his
       buckler), till at last slipping into a bogmire they tooke him
       prisoner: when this news came to the fort much was their sorrow for
       his losse, fewe expecting what ensued. A month those Barbarians kept
       him prisoner, many strange triumphs and conjurations they made of
       him, yet he so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as he not only
       diverted them from surprising the Fort, but procured his own liberty,
       and got himselfe and his company such estimation amongst them, that
       those Salvages admired him as a demi-God. So returning safe to the
       Fort, once more staied the pinnas her flight for England, which til
       his returne could not set saile, so extreme was the weather and so
       great the frost."
       The first allusion to the salvation of Captain Smith by Pocahontas
       occurs in a letter or "little booke" which he wrote to Queen Anne in
       1616, about the time of the arrival in England of the Indian
       Princess, who was then called the Lady Rebecca, and was wife of John
       Rolfe, by whom she had a son, who accompanied them. Pocahontas had
       by this time become a person of some importance. Her friendship had
       been of substantial service to the colony. Smith had acknowledged
       this in his "True Relation," where he referred to her as the
       "nonpareil" of Virginia. He was kind-hearted and naturally
       magnanimous, and would take some pains to do the Indian convert a
       favor, even to the invention of an incident that would make her
       attractive. To be sure, he was vain as well as inventive, and here
       was an opportunity to attract the attention of his sovereign and
       increase his own importance by connecting his name with hers in a
       romantic manner. Still, we believe that the main motive that
       dictated this epistle was kindness to Pocahontas. The sentence that
       refers to her heroic act is this: "After some six weeks [he was
       absent only four weeks] fatting amongst those Salvage Countries, at
       the minute of my execution she hazarded the beating out of her own
       braines to save mine, and not only that, but so prevailed with her
       father [of whom he says, in a previous paragraph, "I received from
       this great Salvage exceeding great courtesie"], that I was safely
       conducted to Jamestown."
       This guarded allusion to the rescue stood for all known account of
       it, except a brief reference to it in his "New England's Trials" of
       1622, until the appearance of Smith's "General Historie" in London,
       1624. In the first edition of "New England's Trials," 1620, there is
       no reference to it. In the enlarged edition of 1622, Smith gives a
       new version to his capture, as resulting from "the folly of them that
       fled," and says: "God made Pocahontas, the King's daughter the means
       to deliver me."
       The "General Historie" was compiled--as was the custom in making up
       such books at the time from a great variety of sources. Such parts
       of it as are not written by Smith--and these constitute a
       considerable portion of the history--bear marks here and there of his
       touch. It begins with his description of Virginia, which appeared in
       the Oxford tract of 1612; following this are the several narratives
       by his comrades, which formed the appendix of that tract. The one
       that concerns us here is that already quoted, signed Thomas Studley.
       It is reproduced here as "written by Thomas Studley, the first Cape
       Merchant in Virginia, Robert Fenton, Edward Harrington, and I. S."
       [John Smith]. It is, however, considerably extended, and into it is
       interjected a detailed account of the captivity and the story of the
       stones, the clubs, and the saved brains.
       It is worthy of special note that the "True Relation" is not
       incorporated in the "General Historie." This is the more remarkable
       because it was an original statement, written when the occurrences it
       describes were fresh, and is much more in detail regarding many
       things that happened during the period it covered than the narratives
       that Smith uses in the "General Historie." It was his habit to use
       over and over again his own publications. Was this discarded because
       it contradicted the Pocahontas story--because that story could not be
       fitted into it as it could be into the Studley relation?
       It should be added, also, that Purchas printed an abstract of the
       Oxford tract in his "Pilgrimage," in 1613, from material furnished
       him by Smith. The Oxford tract was also republished by Purchas in
       his "Pilgrimes," extended by new matter in manuscript supplied by
       Smith. The "Pilgrimes" did not appear till 1625, a year after the
       "General Historie," but was in preparation long before. The
       Pocahontas legend appears in the "Pilgrimes," but not in the earlier
       "Pilgrimage."
       We have before had occasion to remark that Smith's memory had the
       peculiarity of growing stronger and more minute in details the
       further he was removed in point of time from any event he describes.
       The revamped narrative is worth quoting in full for other reasons.
       It exhibits Smith's skill as a writer and his capacity for rising
       into poetic moods. This is the story from the "General Historie":
       "The next voyage hee proceeded so farre that with much labour by
       cutting of trees in sunder he made his passage, but when his Barge
       could pass no farther, he left her in a broad bay out of danger of
       shot, commanding none should goe ashore till his return: himselfe
       with two English and two Salvages went up higher in a Canowe, but he
       was not long absent, but his men went ashore, whose want of
       government, gave both occasion and opportunity to the Salvages to
       surprise one George Cassen, whom they slew, and much failed not to
       have cut of the boat and all the rest. Smith little dreaming of that
       accident, being got to the marshes at the river's head, twentie myles
       in the desert, had his two men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping by
       the Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall, who
       finding he was beset with 200 Salvages, two of them hee slew, still
       defending himself with the ayd of a Salvage his guide, whom he bound
       to his arme with his garters, and used him as a buckler, yet he was
       shot in his thigh a little, and had many arrowes stucke in his
       cloathes but no great hurt, till at last they tooke him prisoner.
       When this newes came to Jamestowne, much was their sorrow for his
       losse, fewe expecting what ensued. Sixe or seven weekes those
       Barbarians kept him prisoner, many strange triumphes and conjurations
       they made of him, yet hee so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as he
       not onely diverted them from surprising the Fort, but procured his
       owne libertie, and got himself and his company such estimation
       amongst them, that those Salvages admired him more than their owne
       Quiyouckosucks. The manner how they used and delivered him, is as
       followeth.
       "The Salvages having drawne from George Cassen whether Captaine Smith
       was gone, prosecuting that opportunity they followed him with 300
       bowmen, conducted by the King of Pamaunkee, who in divisions
       searching the turnings of the river, found Robinson and Entry by the
       fireside, those they shot full of arrowes and slew. Then finding the
       Captaine as is said, that used the Salvage that was his guide as his
       shield (three of them being slaine and divers others so gauld) all
       the rest would not come neere him. Thinking thus to have returned to
       his boat, regarding them, as he marched, more then his way, slipped
       up to the middle in an oasie creeke and his Salvage with him, yet
       durst they not come to him till being neere dead with cold, he threw
       away his armes. Then according to their composition they drew him
       forth and led him to the fire, where his men were slaine. Diligently
       they chafed his benumbed limbs. He demanding for their Captaine,
       they shewed him Opechankanough, King of Pamaunkee, to whom he gave a
       round Ivory double compass Dyall. Much they marvailed at the playing
       of the Fly and Needle, which they could see so plainly, and yet not
       touch it, because of the glass that covered them. But when he
       demonstrated by that Globe-like Jewell, the roundnesse of the earth
       and skies, the spheare of the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, and how the
       Sunne did chase the night round about the world continually: the
       greatnesse of the Land and Sea, the diversitie of Nations, varietie
       of Complexions, and how we were to them Antipodes, and many other
       such like matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration.
       Notwithstanding within an houre after they tyed him to a tree, and as
       many as could stand about him prepared to shoot him, but the King
       holding up the Compass in his hand, they all laid downe their Bowes
       and Arrowes, and in a triumphant manner led him to Orapaks, where he
       was after their manner kindly feasted and well used.
       "Their order in conducting him was thus: Drawing themselves all in
       fyle, the King in the middest had all their Peeces and Swords borne
       before him. Captaine Smith was led after him by three great
       Salvages, holding him fast by each arme: and on each side six went in
       fyle with their arrowes nocked. But arriving at the Towne (which was
       but onely thirtie or fortie hunting houses made of Mats, which they
       remove as they please, as we our tents) all the women and children
       staring to behold him, the souldiers first all in file performe the
       forme of a Bissom so well as could be: and on each flanke, officers
       as Serieants to see them keepe their orders. A good time they
       continued this exercise, and then cast themselves in a ring, dauncing
       in such severall Postures, and singing and yelling out such hellish
       notes and screeches: being strangely painted, every one his quiver of
       arrowes, and at his backe a club: on his arme a Fox or an Otters
       skinne, or some such matter for his vambrace: their heads and
       shoulders painted red, with oyle and Pocones mingled together, which
       Scarlet like colour made an exceeding handsome shew, his Bow in his
       hand, and the skinne of a Bird with her wings abroad dryed, tyed on
       his head, a peece of copper, a white shell, a long feather, with a
       small rattle growing at the tayles of their snaks tyed to it, or some
       such like toy. All this time Smith and the King stood in the middest
       guarded, as before is said, and after three dances they all departed.
       Smith they conducted to a long house, where thirtie or fortie tall
       fellowes did guard him, and ere long more bread and venison were
       brought him then would have served twentie men. I thinke his
       stomacke at that time was not very good; what he left they put in
       baskets and tyed over his head. About midnight they set the meat
       again before him, all this time not one of them would eat a bit with
       him, till the next morning they brought him as much more, and then
       did they eate all the old, and reserved the new as they had done the
       other, which made him think they would fat him to eat him. Yet in
       this desperate estate to defend him from the cold, one Maocassater
       brought him his gowne, in requitall of some beads and toyes Smith had
       given him at his first arrival in Firginia.
       "Two days a man would have slaine him (but that the guard prevented
       it) for the death of his sonne, to whom they conducted him to recover
       the poore man then breathing his last. Smith told them that at James
       towne he had a water would doe it if they would let him fetch it, but
       they would not permit that: but made all the preparations they could
       to assault James towne, craving his advice, and for recompence he
       should have life, libertie, land, and women. In part of a Table
       booke he writ his mind to them at the Fort, what was intended, how
       they should follow that direction to affright the messengers, and
       without fayle send him such things as he writ for. And an Inventory
       with them. The difficultie and danger he told the Salvaves, of the
       Mines, great gunnes, and other Engins, exceedingly affrighted them,
       yet according to his request they went to James towne in as bitter
       weather as could be of frost and snow, and within three days returned
       with an answer.
       "But when they came to James towne, seeing men sally out as he had
       told them they would, they fled: yet in the night they came again to
       the same place where he had told them they should receive an answer,
       and such things as he had promised them, which they found
       accordingly, and with which they returned with no small expedition,
       to the wonder of them all that heard it, that he could either divine
       or the paper could speake. Then they led him to the Youthtanunds,
       the Mattapanients, the Payankatanks, the Nantaughtacunds and
       Onawmanients, upon the rivers of Rapahanock and Patawomek, over all
       those rivers and backe againe by divers other severall Nations, to
       the King's habitation at Pamaunkee, where they entertained him with
       most strange and fearefull conjurations;
       'As if neare led to hell,
       Amongst the Devils to dwell.'
       "Not long after, early in a morning, a great fire was made in a long
       house, and a mat spread on the one side as on the other; on the one
       they caused him to sit, and all the guard went out of the house, and
       presently came skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted over with
       coale mingled with oyle; and many Snakes and Wesels skins stuffed
       with mosse, and all their tayles tyed together, so as they met on the
       crowne of his head in a tassell; and round about the tassell was a
       Coronet of feathers, the skins hanging round about his head, backe,
       and shoulders, and in a manner covered his face; with a hellish voyce
       and a rattle in his hand. With most strange gestures and passions he
       began his invocation, and environed the fire with a circle of meale;
       which done three more such like devils came rushing in with the like
       antique tricks, painted halfe blacke, halfe red: but all their eyes
       were painted white, and some red stroakes like Mutchato's along their
       cheekes: round about him those fiends daunced a pretty while, and
       then came in three more as ugly as the rest; with red eyes and
       stroakes over their blacke faces, at last they all sat downe right
       against him; three of them on the one hand of the chiefe Priest, and
       three on the other. Then all with their rattles began a song, which
       ended, the chiefe Priest layd downe five wheat cornes: then strayning
       his arms and hands with such violence that he sweat, and his veynes
       swelled, he began a short Oration: at the conclusion they all gave a
       short groane; and then layd downe three graines more. After that
       began their song againe, and then another Oration, ever laying down
       so many cornes as before, til they had twice incirculed the fire;
       that done they tooke a bunch of little stickes prepared for that
       purpose, continuing still their devotion, and at the end of every
       song and Oration they layd downe a sticke betwixt the divisions of
       Corne. Til night, neither he nor they did either eate or drinke, and
       then they feasted merrily, and with the best provisions they could
       make. Three dayes they used this Ceremony: the meaning whereof they
       told him was to know if he intended them well or no. The circle of
       meale signified their Country, the circles of corne the bounds of the
       Sea, and the stickes his Country. They imagined the world to be flat
       and round, like a trencher, and they in the middest. After this they
       brought him a bagge of gunpowder, which they carefully preserved till
       the next spring, to plant as they did their corne, because they would
       be acquainted with the nature of that seede. Opitchapam, the King's
       brother, invited him to his house, where with many platters of bread,
       foule, and wild beasts, as did environ him, he bid him wellcome: but
       not any of them would eate a bit with him, but put up all the
       remainder in Baskets. At his returne to Opechancanoughs, all the
       King's women and their children flocked about him for their parts, as
       a due by Custome, to be merry with such fragments.
       "But his waking mind in hydeous dreames did oft see wondrous shapes
       Of bodies strange, and huge in growth, and of stupendious makes."
       "At last they brought him to Meronocomoco, where was Powhatan their
       Emperor. Here more than two hundred of those grim Courtiers stood
       wondering at him, as he had beene a monster, till Powhatan and his
       trayne had put themselves in their greatest braveries. Before a fire
       upon a seat like a bedstead, he sat covered with a great robe, made
       of Rarowcun skinnes and all the tayles hanging by. On either hand
       did sit a young wench of sixteen or eighteen years, and along on each
       side the house, two rowes of men, and behind them as many women, with
       all their heads and shoulders painted red; many of their heads
       bedecked with the white downe of Birds; but everyone with something:
       and a great chayne of white beads about their necks. At his entrance
       before the King, all the people gave a great shout. The Queene of
       Appamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands, and
       another brought him a bunch of feathers, instead of a Towell to dry
       them: having feasted him after their best barbarous manner they
       could. A long consultation was held, but the conclusion was two
       great stones were brought before Powhatan; then as many as could layd
       hands on him, dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head, and
       being ready with their clubs, to beate out his braines. Pocahontas,
       the King's dearest daughter, when no entreaty could prevaile, got his
       head in her armes, and laid her owne upon his to save him from death:
       whereat the Emperour was contented he should live to make him
       hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper: for they thought him as
       well of all occupations as themselves. For the King himselfe will
       make his owne robes, shooes, bowes, arrowes, pots, plant, hunt, or
       doe any thing so well as the rest.
       'They say he bore a pleasant shew,
       But sure his heart was sad
       For who can pleasant be, and rest,
       That lives in feare and dread.
       And having life suspected, doth
       If still suspected lead.'
       "Two days after, Powhatan having disguised himselfe in the most
       fearfullest manner he could, caused Capt. Smith to be brought forth
       to a great house in the woods and there upon a mat by the fire to be
       left alone. Not long after from behinde a mat that divided the
       house, was made the most dolefullest noyse he ever heard: then
       Powhatan more like a devill than a man with some two hundred more as
       blacke as himseffe, came unto him and told him now they were friends,
       and presently he should goe to James town, to send him two great
       gunnes, and a gryndstone, for which he would give him the country of
       Capahowojick, and for ever esteeme him as his sonn Nantaquoud. So to
       James towne with 12 guides Powhatan sent him. That night they
       quartered in the woods, he still expecting (as he had done all this
       long time of his imprisonment) every houre to be put to one death or
       other; for all their feasting. But almightie God (by his divine
       providence) had mollified the hearts of those sterne Barbarians with
       compassion. The next morning betimes they came to the Fort, where
       Smith having used the salvages with what kindnesse he could, he
       shewed Rawhunt, Powhatan's trusty servant, two demiculverings and a
       millstone to carry Powhatan; they found them somewhat too heavie; but
       when they did see him discharge them, being loaded with stones, among
       the boughs of a great tree loaded with Isickles, the yce and branches
       came so tumbling downe, that the poore Salvages ran away halfe dead
       with feare. But at last we regained some conference with them and
       gave them such toys: and sent to Powhatan, his women, and children
       such presents, and gave them in generall full content. Now in James
       Towne they were all in combustion, the strongest preparing once more
       to run away with the Pinnace; which with the hazard of his life, with
       Sakre falcon and musketshot, Smith forced now the third time to stay
       or sinke. Some no better then they should be had plotted with the
       President, the next day to have put him to death by the Leviticall
       law, for the lives of Robinson and Emry, pretending the fault was his
       that had led them to their ends; but he quickly tooke such order with
       such Lawyers, that he layed them by the heeles till he sent some of
       them prisoners for England. Now ever once in four or five dayes,
       Pocahontas with her attendants, brought him so much provision, that
       saved many of their lives, that els for all this had starved with
       hunger.
       'Thus from numbe death our good God sent reliefe,
       The sweete asswager of all other griefe.'
       "His relation of the plenty he had scene, especially at Werawocomoco,
       and of the state and bountie of Powhatan (which till that time was
       unknowne), so revived their dead spirits (especially the love of
       Pocahontas) as all men's feare was abandoned."
       We should like to think original, in the above, the fine passage, in
       which Smith, by means of a simple compass dial, demonstrated the
       roundness of the earth, and skies, the sphere of the sun, moon, and
       stars, and how the sun did chase the night round about the world
       continually; the greatness of the land and sea, the diversity of
       nations, variety of complexions, and how we were to them antipodes,
       so that the Indians stood amazed with admiration.
       Captain Smith up to his middle in a Chickahominy swamp, discoursing
       on these high themes to a Pamunkey Indian, of whose language Smith
       was wholly ignorant, and who did not understand a word of English, is
       much more heroic, considering the adverse circumstances, and appeals
       more to the imagination, than the long-haired Iopas singing the song
       of Atlas, at the banquet given to AEneas, where Trojans and Tyrians
       drained the flowing bumpers while Dido drank long draughts of love.
       Did Smith, when he was in the neighborhood of Carthage pick up some
       such literal translations of the song of Atlas' as this:
       "He sang the wandering moon, and the labors of the Sun;
       >From whence the race of men and flocks; whence rain and lightning;
       Of Arcturus, the rainy Hyades, and the twin Triones;
       Why the winter suns hasten so much to touch themselves in the ocean,
       And what delay retards the slow nights."
       The scene of the rescue only occupies seven lines and the reader
       feels that, after all, Smith has not done full justice to it. We
       cannot, therefore, better conclude this romantic episode than by
       quoting the description of it given with an elaboration of language
       that must be, pleasing to the shade of Smith, by John Burke in his
       History of Virginia:
       "Two large stones were brought in, and placed at the feet of the
       emperor; and on them was laid the head of the prisoner; next a large
       club was brought in, with which Powhatan, for whom, out of respect,
       was reserved this honor, prepared to crush the head of his captive.
       The assembly looked on with sensations of awe, probably not unmixed
       with pity for the fate of an enemy whose bravery had commanded their
       admiration, and in whose misfortunes their hatred was possibly
       forgotten.
       "The fatal club was uplifted: the breasts of the company already
       by anticipation felt the dreadful crash, which was to bereave the
       wretched victim of life: when the young and beautiful Pocahontas, the
       beloved daughter of the emperor, with a shriek of terror
       and agony threw herself on the body of Smith; Her hair was loose, and
       her eyes streaming with tears, while her whole manner bespoke the
       deep distress and agony of her bosom. She cast a beseeching
       look at her furious and astonished father, deprecating his wrath, and
       imploring his pity and the life of his prisoner, with all the
       eloquence of mute but impassioned sorrow.
       "The remainder of this scene is honorable to Powhatan. It will
       remain a lasting monument, that tho' different principles of action,
       and the influence of custom, have given to the manners and opinions
       of this people an appearance neither amiable nor virtuous, they still
       retain the noblest property of human character, the touch of pity and
       the feeling of humanity.
       "The club of the emperor was still uplifted; but pity had touched his
       bosom, and his eye was every moment losing its fierceness; he looked
       around to collect his fortitude, or perhaps to find an excuse for his
       weakness in the faces of his attendants. But every eye was suffused
       with the sweetly contagious softness. The generous savage no longer
       hesitated. The compassion of the rude state is neither ostentatious
       nor dilating: nor does it insult its object by the exaction of
       impossible conditions. Powhatan lifted his grateful and delighted
       daughter, and the captive, scarcely yet assured of safety, from the
       earth...."
       "The character of this interesting woman, as it stands in the
       concurrent accounts of all our historians, is not, it is with
       confidence affirmed, surpassed by any in the whole range of history;
       and for those qualities more especially which do honor to our nature-
       -an humane and feeling heart, an ardor and unshaken constancy in her
       attachments--she stands almost without a rival.
       "At the first appearance of the Europeans her young heart was
       impressed with admiration of the persons and manners of the
       strangers; but it is not during their prosperity that she displays
       her attachment. She is not influenced by awe of their greatness, or
       fear of their resentment, in the assistance she affords them. It was
       during their severest distresses, when their most celebrated chief
       was a captive in their hands, and was dragged through the country as
       a spectacle for the sport and derision of their people, that she
       places herself between him and destruction.
       "The spectacle of Pocahontas in an attitude of entreaty, with her
       hair loose, and her eyes streaming with tears, supplicating with her
       enraged father for the life of Captain Smith when he was about to
       crush the head of his prostrate victim with a club, is a situation
       equal to the genius of Raphael. And when the royal savage directs
       his ferocious glance for a moment from his victim to reprove his
       weeping daughter, when softened by her distress his eye loses its
       fierceness, and he gives his captive to her tears, the painter will
       discover a new occasion for exercising his talents."
       The painters have availed themselves of this opportunity. In one
       picture Smith is represented stiffly extended on the greensward (of
       the woods), his head resting on a stone, appropriately clothed in a
       dresscoat, knee-breeches, and silk stockings; while Powhatan and the
       other savages stand ready for murder, in full-dress parade costume;
       and Pocahontas, a full-grown woman, with long, disheveled hair, in
       the sentimental dress and attitude of a Letitia E. Landon of the
       period, is about to cast herself upon the imperiled and well-dressed
       Captain.
       Must we, then, give up the legend altogether, on account of the
       exaggerations that have grown up about it, our suspicion of the
       creative memory of Smith, and the lack of all contemporary allusion
       to it? It is a pity to destroy any pleasing story of the past, and
       especially to discharge our hard struggle for a foothold on this
       continent of the few elements of romance. If we can find no evidence
       of its truth that stands the test of fair criticism, we may at least
       believe that it had some slight basis on which to rest. It is not at
       all improbable that Pocahontas, who was at that time a precocious
       maid of perhaps twelve or thirteen years of age (although Smith
       mentions her as a child of ten years old when she came to the camp
       after his release), was touched with compassion for the captive, and
       did influence her father to treat him kindly. _